Extract of Disney’s Content Production and Distribution Holdings

Although the traditional media companies first steps into the digital sphere were fairly clumsy, they have quickly learned from their mistakes and continued to enlarge their Internet presence. Time Warner now for instance operates about 130 Web-Sites (http://www.timewarner.com/corp/about/pubarchive/websites.html). Anyhow the stronger online-engagement of the big media conglomerates by 1998 has led to the establishment of a new pattern: "More than three-quarters of the 31 most visited news and entertainment websites were affiliated with large media firms, and most of the rest were connected to outfits like AOL and Microsoft." (Broadcasting and Cable, 6/22/98).

During the last years many of the smaller players in the field of digital media have been driven out of competition by the huge media conglomerates. This mainly is a result of the advantages that the commercial media giants have over their less powerful counterparts:

    As engagement in online activities mostly does not lead to quick profits, investors must be able to take losses, which only powerful companies are able to.



    Traditional media outlets usually have huge stocks of digital programming, which they can easily plug into the Internet at little extra cost.



    To generate audience, the big media conglomerates constantly promote their Websites and other digital media products on their traditional media holdings.



    As possessors of the hottest "brands" commercial media companies often get premier locations from browser software makers, Internet service providers, search engines and portals.



    Having the financial resources at their disposition the big media firms are aggressive investors in start-up Internet media companies.



Commercial media companies have close and long ties to advertisers, which enables them to seize most of these revenues.

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1961: Installation of the First Industrial Robot

Industrial robotics, an automation technology relying on the two technologies of numerical control and teleoperators, started to gain widespread attendance in the 1960s. The first industrial robot was installed at General Motors in 1961. Developed by Joe Engelberger and George Devol, UNIMATE obeyed step-by-step commands stored on a magnetic drum and with its 4,000 pound arm sequenced and stacked hot pieces of die-cast metal.

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Virtual body and data body



The result of this informatisation is the creation of a virtual body which is the exterior of a man or woman's social existence. It plays the same role that the physical body, except located in virtual space (it has no real location). The virtual body holds a certain emancipatory potential. It allows us to go to places and to do things which in the physical world would be impossible. It does not have the weight of the physical body, and is less conditioned by physical laws. It therefore allows one to create an identity of one's own, with much less restrictions than would apply in the physical world.

But this new freedom has a price. In the shadow of virtualisation, the data body has emerged. The data body is a virtual body which is composed of the files connected to an individual. As the Critical Art Ensemble observe in their book Flesh Machine, the data body is the "fascist sibling" of the virtual body; it is " a much more highly developed virtual form, and one that exists in complete service to the corporate and police state."

The virtual character of the data body means that social regulation that applies to the real body is absent. While there are limits to the manipulation and exploitation of the real body (even if these limits are not respected everywhere), there is little regulation concerning the manipulation and exploitation of the data body, although the manipulation of the data body is much easier to perform than that of the real body. The seizure of the data body from outside the concerned individual is often undetected as it has become part of the basic structure of an informatised society. But data bodies serve as raw material for the "New Economy". Both business and governments claim access to data bodies. Power can be exercised, and democratic decision-taking procedures bypassed by seizing data bodies. This totalitarian potential of the data body makes the data body a deeply problematic phenomenon that calls for an understanding of data as social construction rather than as something representative of an objective reality. How data bodies are generated, what happens to them and who has control over them is therefore a highly relevant political question.

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Intellectual property

Intellectual property, very generally, relates to the output that result from intellectual activity in the industrial, scientific, literary and artistic fields. Traditionally intellectual property is divided into two branches: 1) industrial property (inventions, marks, industrial designs, unfair competition and geographical indications), and 2) copyright. The protection of intellectual property is guaranteed through a variety of laws, which grant the creators of intellectual goods, and services certain time-limited rights to control the use made of their products.

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