PR Firms and their Mission

Looking at how public relations practitioners advertise their services, they do not primarily seem to be followers of the "social engineering" approach. Burson-Marsteller, the worlds leading PR agency, for example sells itself as a specialist in "... public affairs, government relations, crisis communication, investor relations, environmental issues and marketing communications ... experienced at orchestrating effective campaigns, which motivate the right behaviors.". Porter Novelli, third largest international PR company, somewhat more aggressive promises, that their marketing-based public relations "... penetrate the consumer psyche - where - your target audiences work, learn, play or shop, through everything they read, hear and see.". While Porter Novelli seems to be specialized in psychological warfare, Fleishman-Hillard highlights its know-how and experience in government relations programs. "We have handled some of the nation's most challenging public policy issues, including issues affecting the environment, from clean air to agricultural chemicals; aviation safety; regressive taxes; international trade; and human rights.". To handle those difficult tasks, Fleishman-Hillard maintains "... an effective, professional lobbying team that includes registered lobbyists recruited from the Senate and the House."

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Abolition of Resale Price Maintenance

The London-based Institute for Economic Affairs (AEI) from its beginning undertook an extensive publishing program to push forward its free-market ideology. Among its publications was one particular paper, which had a direct and immediate political impact. Published in 1960 "Resale Price Maintenance and Shoppers' Choice" by Basil Yamey argued for the abolition of Resale Price Maintenance, which by fixing prices in shops prevented large stores from necessarily under-cutting smaller shops. Yamey argued that a free market in shop prices would save the shoppers £180,000,000 a year, and prices would fall by five percent.

The publication of Yamey's paper was timed to coincide with a period of public debate on the subject to ensure maximum impact, and Yamey's suggestions were taken up by the incumbent Conservative Government. Although the Abolition of Resale Price Maintenance by Edward Heath in 1964, can not only be attributed to Yamey's paper, it for sure had a substantial impact.

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Media Relations

Another difference that can be noted between right and left-wing think tanks concerns their media appearance and media relations. While in 1997 53 % of the U.S. media references made to think tanks involved conservative institutions, progressive think tanks accounted for only16 % of the media citations made to think tanks (32 % centrist institutions). This suggests that the media agenda is markedly influenced by conservative issues and ideology, and therefore leads to a considerable imbalance within the spectrum of political views.

On the other hand the financial resources of right- and left- wing media associated with think tanks also differ appreciably. While conservative foundations provided US$ 2,734,263 to four right-of-center magazines between 1990 and 1993 including The National Interest, The Public Interest, The New Criterion, and The American Spectator, over the same time period four left-of-center publications, namely The Nation, The Progressive, In These Times, and Mother Jones received only US$ 269,500 from foundations.

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Educational Programs

As the dissemination of ideologies and ideas is crucial to think tanks they apply different strategies to reach as many audiences as possible. Therefore also the concept of education plays an important role. Educational and training programs are aimed at the influencers and future influencers of public opinion and shall lead to the acceptance of think tanks respective social, economical and political ideas. The label "educational activities" thus very often stands for nothing less than the dissemination of ideology.

Most think tanks regularly organize conferences, symposia and seminars to deliver their findings and ideas to a broader audience. RAND for example also runs a Ph.D. program at its Graduate School.

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Conservative vs. Progressive Think Tanks

The political orientation of think tanks is as broad as in every other kind of institutions or organizations. It ranges from conservative over centrist to progressive. Still it can be noted, that there are considerable differences between the right and the left wing of think tanks, especially concerning funding sources and revenues as well as media relations, which have considerable consequences on their perception and influence on the public as well as on policy makers.

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Table: Media References to Major U.S. Think Tanks



Think Tank

Political Orientation

Number of Media Citations 1995

Number of Media Citations 1996

Number of Media Citations 1997

Brookings Institution

U.S. Centrist

2192

2196

2296

Heritage Foundation

U.S. Conservative

2268

1779

1813

American Enterprise Institute

U.S. Conservative

1297

1401

1323

Cato Institute

U.S. Conservative/libertarian

1163

1136

1286

RAND Corporation

U.S. Center-right

795

826

865

Council on Foreign Relations

U.S. Centrist

747

727

755

Center for Strategic and International Studies

U.S. Conservative

612

586

668

Urban Institute

U.S. Center-left

749

655

610

Economic Policy Institute

U.S. Progressive

399

452

576

Freedom Forum

U.S. Centrist

496

625

531

Hudson Institute

U.S. Conservative

354

396

481

Institute for International Economics

U.S. Centrist

410

288

438

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

U.S. Progressive

-

359

425

Hoover Institution

U.S. Conservative

570

350

355

Carnegie Endowment

U.S. Centrist

517

502

352

Competitive Enterprise Institute

U.S. Conservative

298

205

290

Manhattan Institute

U.S. Conservative

254

227

261

Progressive Policy Institute

U.S. Centrist

455

279

251

International Institute for Strategic Studies

U.S. Conservative

177

145

177

Institute for Policy Studies

U.S. Progressive

161

110

172

Worldwatch Institute

U.S. Progressive

201

186

168

Center for Defense Information

U.S. Progressive

136

187

158

Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies

U.S. Center-left

255

228

158

Progress and Freedom Foundation

U.S. Conservative

570

234

122

Reason Foundation

U.S. Conservative/libertarian

229

133

92



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Funding Sources and Revenues

While most progressive think tanks acquire their funding through many different sources, for conservative think tanks financing by corporations prevails. Among the think tanks receiving a considerable amount of corporate money are the Cato Institute (U.S. conservative/libertarian), the Brookings Institution (U.S. centrist), the Heritage Foundation (U.S. conservative), the American Enterprise Institute (U.S. conservative) and the Competitive Enterprise Institute (U.S. conservative).

Also, whereas the combined revenue base of such conservative multi-issue policy institutions as the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, the Cato Institute, and Citizens for a Sound Economy exceeded US$ 77 million in 1995, the roughly equivalent U.S. progressive Institute for Policy Studies, the Economic Policy Institute, Citizens for Tax Justice, and the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities had only US$ 9 million at their collective disposal in 1995.

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History: European Tradition

Only in Roman times the first rights referring to artistic works appeared. Regulations resembling a lasting exclusive right to copy did not occur until the 17th century. Before copyright was a private arrangement between guilds able to reproduce copies in commercial quantities.

In France and Western European countries "droits d'auteur" or author's rights is the core of what in the Anglo-American tradition is called copyright. Such rights are rooted in the republican revolution of the late 18th century, and the Rights of Man movement. Today in the European system the creator is front and center; later exploiters are only secondary players.

France

During the 18th century France gradually lost the ability to restrict intellectual property. Before the Revolution, all books, printers and booksellers had to have a royal stamp of approval, called a "privilege". In return for their lucrative monopoly, the French guild of printers and booksellers helped the police to suppress anything that upset royal sensibilities or ran contrary to their interests. Still there were also a whole lot of underground printers who flooded the country with pirated, pornographic and seditious literature. And thousands of writers, most at the edge of starvation.

In 1777 the King threatened the monopoly by reducing the duration of publisher's privileges to the lifetime of the authors. Accordingly a writer's work would go into the public domain after his death and could be printed by anyone. The booksellers fought back by argumenting that, no authority could take their property from them and give it to someone else. Seven months later, in August 1789, the revolutionary government ended the privilege system and from that time on anyone could print anything. Early in 1790 Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet proposed giving authors power over their own work lasting until ten years after their deaths. The proposal - the basis for France's first modern copyright law - passed in 1793.

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