Conservative Think Tanks and the Media

Given the growing political importance of media most think tanks - especially conservative ones in the U.S. - have clearly stated the need for strong marketing and communications. The former president of the American Enterprise Institute, William Baroody puts it that way "We pay as much attention to the dissemination of the product as we do to the content. ... We hire ghost writers for scholars to produce op-ed articles that are sent to the one hundred and one co-operating newspapers three pieces every two weeks ... The real test is getting your message out. ... Market your policy recommendations, market the principles and values behind them, market the tangible publications and events your organization is producing. Market the think tank concept itself. Then market your specific organization."

Relations with the media form one of the most important element within the think tanks marketing strategies. The Hoover Institution's public affairs office, for example, links to 900 media centers across the U.S. and 450 abroad. The Reason Foundation, a strong fighter for privatization, had 359 television and radio appearances in 1995 and more than 1,500 citations in national newspapers and magazines. Furthermore the Manhattan Institute has held more than 600 forums on briefings for journalists and policy makers on a broad range of public policy issues.

Not to leave the distribution of their respective ideologies to chance, conservative institutions have created a variety of conservative-controlled media outlets and projects, as well as television and radio broadcasting networks. The Free Congress Foundation for instance, in addition to its National Empowerment Television, publishes NetNewsNow, a broadcast fax letter sent to more than 400 U.S. radio producers. Conservative foundations also spent US$ 2,734,263 on four right-of -center magazines between 1990 and 1993, providing publishing opportunities for conservative thinkers and policy advocates.

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Major U.S. Think Tanks: Brookings Institute

The Brookings Institute, based in Washington DC traces its beginnings to 1916 with the founding of the Institute for Government Research, the first private organization devoted to public policy issues at a national level. In 1922 and 1924 , the Institute was joined by the Institute of Economics and the Robert Brookings Graduate School. In 1927 these three groups were consolidated into one institution, named after the businessman Robert Somers Brookings.

After World War II, the Brookings Institute fostered Republican support for the Marshall Plan, which the Institute helped to develop. By the 1960s, Brookings was linked to the establishment wing of the Democratic Party, backing Keynesian economics. The Institutes influence on the operations of the federal government, at times, has been substantial. In the 1920s, Brookings was largely responsible for the creation of the federal budget. In the 1970s the Brookings Institute pushed for the creation of the Congressional Budget Office, and then provided its first head, former senior fellow Alice Rivlin.

Official Organizational Status: Private, independent, non-profit Research Institute

Political Orientation: U.S. Centrist

Scope/Research Areas: The Brookings Institute seeks to "improve the performance of American institutions, the effectiveness of government programs, and the quality of U.S. public policies". Its research areas include political economy of market transitions, antitrust, banking, government reform, social norms and economic behavior, national security, budget politics and public administration. Some recent titles include: Eisinger, Peter: Toward an End to Hunger in America. (1998). Hess, Stephen: The Little Book of Campaign Etiquette. (1998). Jencks, C. and M. Phillips (eds.): The Black-White Test Score Gap. (1998). Douglas, A. R. et.al.: Framing the Social Security Debate. Values, Politics, and Economics. (1998).

Funding Sources: 1998 Budget: US$ 23 million. Assets: US$ 192 million. Corporate and private donations (38 %), endowment (30 %), revenue from conferences and seminars (18 %), sales of publications (9 %), government support (2 %).

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